Sabah Umno is forming a new coalition with two local Sabah opposition parties to challenge the ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) led by Hajiji Noor for the upcoming Sabah state elections, expected on or before November 2025.

Sabah Umno and regional parties – Shafie Apdal’s Party Warisan and Peter Anthony’s Kesejahteraan Demokratik Masyarakat (KDM) party will join forces to form the alliance.

The alliance’s success hinged on the allies’ ability to stick together and agree to a strategic seat-sharing arrangement, ensuring a unified front against the GRS with a single primary candidate in each constituency.

In Malaysia’s “first past the post” multiparty system where the winner takes it all, a fragmented opposition always benefits a ruling incumbent – in the 2020 Sabah election, Hajiji’s alliance the GRS received 43.22% of the popular ballot, but mopped up 38 of the 73 seats.

2024 now, but barely months before its birth, Sabah’s motley opposition coalition is in disarray. The latest trigger was Bung Moktar, Sabah Umno chairman, pushing for an electrol pact with Warisan. This has led to Sabah Umno being split into two factions. One faction is Rahman Dahlan and few Umno warlords who are dead against working with Shafie. Some of them are even talking openly about departing from Sabah Umno if Sabah Umno joins hands with Warisan. Some are even whispering about Bung Moktar’s and Peter Anthony’s legal complications. All these sends a signal that the alliance may not work.

That’s not all.  Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS) and Sabah MCA  a component of Sabah BN, have distanced themselves from Sabah Umno and made it clear that they will not go along with the new coalition with Warisan.

The turmoil in this infant alliance comes at a time when Hajiji looks unstoppable.

Things have changed dramatically for the GRS after December 2023. The odds in favour of the party’s electoral prospects in the elections have increased.

The fragility of the opposition alliance stems, in part, from differing perspectives on the Umno party, led by Zahid Hamidi. The party secured less than 15% of the vote and a mere 14 seats out of the 33 seats contested in 2020 Sabah elections. Two years later in the general elections Umno won only 6 of the 11 Sabah parliamentary seats contested and continues to struggle.

The perception is that the Umno is a toxic alliance partner because of its own weakness and ability to drag down the ticket.

Yet, seat-sharing is only part of the battle. The opposition, is unable to provide a compelling alternative narrative to the GRS’s popular blend of Sabah nationalism and development.

There’s no lack of issues for the opposition to rally around, sometimes even illegal immigrants (PTI) are used to participate in demonstrations, like the recent #KamiMahuAir demonstration where fingers point at Warisan. They have highlighted Hajiji’s “failure” to tackle the acute water shortages, electricity cuts and bad roads.  They have condemned the GRS in relation to the 40 per cent net revenue special grant under Articles 112C and 112D of the Federal Constitution, even though the whole world knows that Hajiji’s GRS Sabah State Government will never give up Sabah’s fundamental constitutional rights in relation to the 40 per cent net revenue special grant. This was part of the MA63 agreement, but the federal government stopped paying the state its entitlement from 1974 onwards and sought to downplay it.

Yet, there appears to be no “ideological binding force” uniting the opposition, particularly in relation to the robust Sabah nationalism promoted by Hajiji and the GRS.

To be true, cobbling together an alliance to take on a well-oiled and amply resourced GRS led by a hugely popular leader is easier said than done. It took decades for the fragmented opposition to come together and defeat the dominant Barisan National which ruled Malaysia uninterruptedly for 60 years from independence to 2018.

The Pakatan Harapan coalition, uniting disparate parties – fought against Najib Tun Razak. (The PH coalition led by Dr Mahathir collapsed within 22 months due to internal contradictions and personal ambitions of its leaders. But it did succeed in toppling an opponent considered invincible.)

So is the new Sabah Umno alliance doomed? The alliance is in troubled waters, but they can still find ways to contest together. The elections hinged on the Sabah Umno and Warisan’s performance in over 40 plus seats in the GRS stronghold of the west coast and the interiors of Sabah, rather than on the outcomes of allies in their respective constituencies.

Again, as with a lot else in Sabah politics, this is easier said than done.

𝙎𝙚𝙡𝙖𝙢𝙖𝙩 𝙈𝙚𝙣𝙮𝙖𝙢𝙗𝙪𝙩 𝙋𝙚𝙨𝙩𝙖 𝙈𝙚𝙣𝙪𝙖𝙞!
𝕂𝕠𝕥𝕠𝕓𝕚𝕒𝕟 𝕋𝕒𝕕𝕒𝕦 𝕋𝕒𝕘𝕒𝕫𝕠 𝔻𝕠 𝕂𝕒𝕒𝕞𝕒𝕥𝕒𝕟!

Comments
  1. […] Sabah’s opposition challenge to Hajiji may be imploding […]

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  2. In Sabah, the PTI (pendatang tanpa izin or illegal immigrants) allegedly in the electoral rolls must be removed by Act of Amnesty passed by Parliament. The 2013 RCI (Royal Commission of Inquiry) on illegal immigrants and the related Report on Projek IC Mahathir refers.

    Also, the RCI related books by Dr Chong Eng Leong (two books) and the numerous books by the late M. D. Mutalib refer. The IGP, AG and media looked the other way on these books.

    Sabah’s long overdue claim for revenue reimbursement totalling 40 per cent must be honoured or risk the continuation of internal colonisation.

    Proxy government imposed on Sabah and Sarawak since 1994 and 1966 must be ended. The parti parti Malaya must leave Sabah and Sarawak.

    Sabah and Sarawak must have veto powers in the Malaysia Parliament i.e. one third of the seats plus one.

    Gerrymandering of seats and the disenfranchisement of the Indian diaspora in Malaya must be ended. The principle of one man one vote must be upheld.

    Local government elections, first suspended in 1965 and later abolished, must be brought back for bottom up democracy against the top down control freak approach.

    Foreigners must be allowed in the voting process for town council. They should be considered for appointment in the town council.

    Sabah and Sarawak must have autonomy. The Federal government must confine itself in Sabah and Sarawak and be involved only in defence and security, foreign affairs, Malaysian Common Market, and national economic planning and financial affairs.

    The sovereignty of the people of Sarawak, lost since 1966, must be restored.

    Non-Muslim in Sabah and Sarawak must not be excluded from the CM and Governor’s posts.

    The Agong can exercise oversight on Islam in Sabah and Sarawak directly and not through the Governor. There’s no religion in Sabah and Sarawak.

    The Orang Asal in Sabah and Sarawak and Orang Asli are the only Bumiputera in Malaysia, based on NCR (native customary rights) land under Adat, customary rights having force of law and being the 1st law in international law.

    If the government declares non-NCR land owners and non-Orang Asal/non-Orang Asli language and dialect speakers as Bumiputera, i.e. PasokMomogun as Bumiputera, there must be no discrimination. Article 8 refers.

    The Prime Minister of Malaysia must be elected by Parliament. There should be at least three candidates including a woman and a candidate from either Sabah or Sarawak. If no candidate gets 51 per cent of the votes counted in the first run, there should be runoff between the top two candidates.

    The list for reformasi goes on and on . . .

    There’s no place for emotions in law.

    Why must anything depend on Anwar Ibrahim’s sincerity?

    PM comes, PM goes.

    There must be focus on solutions based on procedures and the merits.

    International law outlawed colonialism — and internal colonialism — after World War II.

    South Sudan, on internal colonialism, refers.

    In GE16, Reformsi won’t get the votes which didn’t come in GE15.

    There can only be unity government after GE16.

    The Cabinet should be drawn from lawmakers from both sides of the political divide in Parliament as individuals. Political parties must be kept out. The Cabinet would be Cabinet of lawmakers, including the Senate, and not political parties.

    Only those who accept the rule of law, the basis of the Constitution, would understand that Article 4 must be amended so that redundant clauses — Article 153 and facilitating clauses — would be automatically dropped without intervention of Parliament and/or the court of law.

    The civil service, police, armed forces, teaching service and diplomatic service must reflect the demography of the nation.

    Education should be depoliticised by abolishing the Education Ministeries.

    There should be Education Commission, appointed by the Agong, at the national level.

    The Education Commission can be reflected at the state level through the Education Bureau.

    The VC post in the 20 public universities must be open for all citizens and foreigners based on the brightest and best leading the way for all.

    There are also other areas which need reformation.

    The Cabinet System must adhere to the two great principles viz. decision making by consensus — no voice against — and not by compromises, and collective responsibility (one for all and all for one). That would prevent the emergence of Prime Ministerial Dictatorship based on “deriving personal benefits” arising from abuse of power, conflict of interest and criminal breach of trust and being party to other illegalities like money laundering activities and retention of “secret profits”.

    The BN (Barisan Nasional) concept must be returned and restore decision making by consensus — no voice against — and not by compromises, and power-sharing by seat sharing, and sharing government posts.

    The BN Supreme Council hardly met before GE14 in 2018. That forced the Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), for example, into leaving the BN in 1990. Likewise, many BN component parties left BN after GE14.

    The checks and balances in government should be restored, due diligence brought back, and forensic accounting be carried out on the money trail from the public treasury for detecting illegalities including money laundering activities. That would prevent another 1MDB happening and costing tax payers dearly through exponential increase in government guarantees and the national debt burden. All these would help prevent the RM heading south.

    The Prime Minister and Agong must instruct (PM) and/or Decree (Agong) the MACC, IGP, AG and Bank Negara that civil action must be instituted for freezing, seizing and forfeiting money laundering assets and “secret profits” as state revenue under international law, national law being read as compliant.

    Criminal suits must be instituted if the civil action was challenged.

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