Is there room for a casino in Sabah?

Pulau Banggi

Talks under way to build Forest City casino https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/101740/talks-under-way-to-build-forest-city-casino

This news is very interesting,” talks are under way to build Forest City casino in Johore”. That means, Malaysia is looking at allowing a casino to operate in the RM450 billion (S$128.5 billion) Forest City project in Johor.

Maybe it’s also now time for the Ministry of Finance to consider establishing a casino in Pulau Banggi, Sabah too. Talks on setting up a casino in Sarawak has long been going on. Matters pertaining to gambling falls under federal jurisdiction.

Pulau Banggi is the island to the north of Kudat in Sabah with an area of 440.7 square kilometres, it is the largest island in Malaysia, slightly smaller than Singapore which is 734 square kilometers. Banggi Island forms the southern half of the Balabic Straights which separate Borneo from the Philippines and is the meeting place of the Sulu and the South China Sea. Population 30 thousand.

Tighten security, Banggi Island will be perfect and good to go. Expand naval patrols around the islands. Security forces must add more ocean-going vessels,  planes, helicopters to the existing fleet policing the waters between Sulu and the South China Sea.

Federal Government must transform Sabah into duty-free heaven, besides allowing it to set up a casino in the state.

Taking into consideration that casino tax is 35 per cent of gross gaming revenue, having a casino would significantly improve Sabah’s gross domestic product (GDP).

There would also be huge employment opportunities for at least 10,000 employees with salaries ranging from RM3,000 to above RM18,000 (senior manager), while a vice-president at a casino could earn over RM25,000 per month.

With the influx of tourists going to the casino, as well as many of the high rollers, Sabah will be able to attract more 5-star properties, 5-star service standards, with 5-star rated tourists.

Indirectly, all the businesses in Sabah will increase threefold and we will be able to see many more quality tourism products coming up. With all the business coming in, this will lead to Sabahans earning at least a minimum of RM3,000 salary, not the present RM1,500 projected.

MENJELANG PILIHAN RAYA UMUM SABAH KE-17

Bahasa Malaysia Version

Adakah pilihan raya Sabah yang bakal tiba sudah selesai? Soalan “gaharu-cendana” ini tetap ditanyakan semua namun perkembangan politik terbaru menunjukkan bahawa GRS di bawah pimpinan Hajiji Noor sedang rancak ke hadapan, manakala pada masa yang sama pihak pembangkang kekal dalam belenggu kekacauan.

Pilihan Raya Sabah Ke-17 yang bakal menjelang kian hampir. Pertimbangan mengenai calon yang berpotensi untuk menjawat jawatan ketua Menteri sudah mula hangat dibahaskan. Namun di sebalik ribut dunia politik, satu nama yang tersohor tetap muncul untuk memimpin kerajaan; memperkenalkan penyandang Ketua Menteri Sabah, Hajiji Noor.

Hajiji Noor, dengan tempoh perkhidmatan yang lanjutnya, bukan suatu nama yang asing di dalam medan politik. Kebolehan kepimpinannya sudah lama menjadi buah mulut ramai. Metodologi kepimpinan Hajiji Noor yang tersendiri amat berbeza daripada pihak pembangkang seperti khususnya bekas Ketua Menteri Sabah Shafie Apdal; mahupun Ketua UMNO Sabah, Bung Moktar. Perbezaan ketara inilah yang meletakkan beliau sebagai petanding yang kuat bagi jawatan Ketua Menteri Sabah.

Dalam rencana ini, kami akan menganalisiskan sebab mengapa Hajiji Noor merupakan calon terbaik untuk memimpin Kerajaan Negeri di Bawah Bayu ini.

Pertama sekali, Hajiji Noor tidak pernah berkompromi dengan ideologinya.

Walaupun berada dalam suatu pakatan bersama dengan Perikatan Nasional (PN), namun Hajiji Noor tidak pernah mengetepikan ideologi dan prinsipnya. Beliau tidak teragak-agak untuk mengambil pendirian mengenai isu yang mustahak seperti hak negeri Sabah sebagaimana termaktub dalam Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 dan hak 40% hasil yang dituntut daripada Kerajaan Persekutuan, walaupun ini bermaksud ia bertentangan dengan pendirian teman sepakatannya. Komitmen Hajiji Noor yang teguh terhadap prinsipnya telah memperolehi penghormatan daripada penyokongnya mahupun pengkritiknya. Ini menjadi bukti kepada perwatakan dan iltizam beliau yang kukuh.

Selain itu, tumpuan beliau terhadap keadilan sosial dan langkah-langkah kebajikan juga harus dipuji. Hajiji merupakan seorang penyokong kuat bagi isu kemiskinan tegar dan telah melaksanakan beberapa dasar yang bertujuan mengangkat golongan tersebut. Beliau mempercayai pada langkah afirmatif dan komited untuk merapatkan jurang kemiskinan yang telah kian membelenggu ramai warga Bumiputera di Sabah.

Hajiji Noor juga bertekad untuk membawa perubahan kepada kehidupan rakyat negeri ini yang mahukan advokasi—terutamanya di kawasan pedalaman. Beliau juga tidak melepas pandang pada perkembangan dan pembangunan ekonomi. Tumpuan Hajiji terhadap keadilan sosial dan langkah-langkah kebajikan selari dengan ideologi beberapa parti politik lain dan hal ini berupaya membantu beliau meraih sokongan mereka.

Hajiji bukan sekali telah mempamerkan bahawa Parti Warisan bukannya kebal dalam medan politik Sabah pasca-2018. Bahkan, sudah dua kali beliau membuktikkan perkara ini. Pada tahun 2020, Hajiji membentuk sebuah gabungan bersama parti lain yang telah mengalahkan parti Warisan dalam pilihan raya negeri. Malahan ini dicapai pada ketika populariti Shafie Apdal sedang kian memuncak.

Reputasi Hajiji Noor sebagai seorang tokoh politik yang jujur dan amanah adalah umpama seperti suatu bayu yang segar. Beliau telah mengekalkan Sabah di landasan pemerintahan dan pada masa yang sama beliau telah meniti keseimbangan antara kesederhanaan perkauman Sabah yang istimewa dengan prinsip ketuanan UMNO serta juga Islamisasi PAS pada era pimpinan Muhyiddin Yassin dan Ismail Sabri, semua ini dicapai pada ketika PN berkuasa. Ini berupaya membantu beliau memperoleh kepercayaan para pengundi, terutama sekali mereka yang semakin kecewa dengan sistem politik sedia ada.

Parti pembangkang memerlukan seorang pemimpin yang berkemampuan. Mereka memerlukan seseorang yang mampu memberikan alternatif kepada parti pemerintah, iaitu GRS. Setakat ini, tiada ketua pembangkang yang sesuai dan mampu berbuat sedemikian. Kemahiran Hajiji membentuk gabungan dan menjalin kerjasama dengan berbagai-bagai pihak merupakan satu aset bernilai. Kecekapannya dalam berkerjasama dengan merentas pelbagai parti politik negeri Sabah—disertai hubungan baiknya dengan ramai ketua parti Pembangkang—menjadikan beliau calon utama dan paling sesuai untuk meneraju gabungan GRS.

Di samping itu, tempoh sandangan jawatan sebagai Setiausaha Politik kepada bekas Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Allahyarham Ghafar Baba pada tahun 1990an memberinya pendedahan terhadap politik kebangsaan, serta mempunyai pengalaman sedia ada dalam mekanisme Kerajaan Persekutuan.

Tanpa diragui, usahanya ini bukanlah sesuatu yang enteng. Ranjau berduri menanti Hajiji. Paling utama, ancaman ini datang dalam bentuk serangan terancang oleh Warisan dan UMNO. Kini, UMNO sedang bergelut dengan pelbagai pergolakan. Terdapat tiga kem dalam UMNO Sabah, antaranya kumpulan yang diterajui oleh Rahman Dahlan yang tidak bersetuju untuk bekerjasama dengan parti Warisan. Namun, kem Rahman Dahlan ini telah ditewaskan oleh Bung Moktar yang ingin bekerjasama dengan parti Warisan dalam pilihan raya Sabah yang bakal tiba bagi menghadapi kerajaan negeri pimpinan GRS.

Kemudiannya, terdapat juga beberapa ketua UMNO Sabah yang telah berpaling tadah dan memasuki kem Hajiji. Ia bakal menjadi tatapan hebat untuk melihat bagaimana Bung Moktar dan UMNO Sabah mengemudi badai politik ini.

Sekali lagi pada awal tahun 2023, Hajiji mengulangi prestasi cemerlangnya ini dengan menangkis strategi Warisan-UMNO dalam usaha mereka untuk merampas kuasa ala ‘Langkah Kinabalu’ bagi menumbangkan kerajaan GRS pimpinan Hajiji Noor. Sebaliknya, Hajiji Noor menjalinkan pakatan bersama bekas seterunya iaitu Pakatan Harapan (PH). UMNO kemudiannya diketepikan daripada pihak pemerintahan. Inilah bukti kecerdikan dan keupayaan Hajiji dalam menelusuri muka bumi politik Sabah yang berliku.

Mengapa Hajiji Sebagai Pilihan?

Gaya kepimpinan Hajiji Noor jauh berbeza dengan Shafie Apdal. Walaupun Shafie kelihatan sebagai seorang ketua yang tegas dan tidak gentar membuat keputusan berani namun kepimpinanya semberono. Kepimpinan Hajiji pula, adalah lebih halus dan tertib. Beliau membangunkan persetujuan dengan mempertimbangkan semua pemegang taruh sebelum memutuskan sesuatu perkara. Gaya kepimpinan ini lebih inklusif, malah telah banyak membantu Hajiji dalam mengekalkan kerajaan yang stabil di Sabah sejak tahun 2020.

Transformation from the Top-down: Hajiji’s Exemplary Leadership in Sabah

Over the last three years Sabah, a state of over 3.5million, has undergone a transformation, with positive growth rates, floods of new investment from China and South Korea keep coming in. Hajiji’s strong personal commitment to the developmental wellbeing of his state during his tenure the last three years as chief minister deserves much of the credit for this striking turnaround. No stranger to Sabah’s intricate native race-based political equations, Hajiji Noor nevertheless persevered with politically popular initiatives designed not for his personal aggrandizement like so many of his predecessors, but for the state’s benefit as a whole.

Hajiji’s electoral victory in 2020 over Shafie Apdal, was attributed by many observers as much to the efficiency of the Election Commission in ensuring a free and fair election, as to voter disenchantment with Shafie and his Warisan for dissolving the Sabah State Assembly when there was already an upwards trend of COVID-19 infections and was spreading like wild fire all over Sabah.

Hajiji took up Covid-19 containment and relief measures even before he assumed office. Soon after being sworn in chief minister, Hajiji was down with Covid-19 and he was in a critical stage 4 and was admitted to the hospital for weeks and later under house quarantine for months. In spite of all that his government and the Ministry of Health worked 24X7 to ensure people’s welfare. They set up a war room. They worked on a war- footing to tackle the oxygen shortage and tide over the crisis. They ensured there was no shortage of oxygen beds. They made the vaccination a mass movement. They significantly brought down Covid-19 mortality. Even amidst lockdown, they ensured people’s livelihood was not greatly affected. The Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) government handled the pandemic very well.

Hajiji’s focus has undeniably been on developing his state.

Upon taking office in 2020, Hajiji moved to address the state’s infrastructure problems “on a war footing”, massively investing in new roads and cutting the travel time between population centres substantially. Hajiji has coupled these concrete developmental programmes with meaningful political reforms.

While many argue that Hajiji thus far has addressed only the proverbial low hanging fruits, tackling the dysfunctional nature of the state’s governance was the logical first step in turning the state around.

While most short analyses of Sabah celebrate its spectacular growth rate over the last three years, few note the pitifully small base the state is building from. Sabah would have to grow at a rate of 10.5 percent for the next 15 years in order to match Selangor’s current per capita income. Even the total hardcore poor KIRs Sabah as of March was 13,172, down from 22,510 three years ago, dropped by 42%. This is an achievement.

This eye-catching performance has largely been driven by public, not private spending.

Still for Sabah to continue growing as it has, Hajiji must now tackle much more difficult structural and institutional problems.

Sabahans themselves, however, strongly approve of Hajiji’s performance. His government enjoyed an astounding 88 percent approval rating in 2022 and his party won 6 parliamentary seats in the November 2022 Parliament election.

Sabahans understand what Hajiji has done for their state and the developmental path he has chalked out and followed.

Hajiji’s personal commitment to developmental progress, transparency and good government stands in stark contrast to both his fellow politicians, both in Sabah. One asked for the finance minister post and wanted to be the head of every major government agency. When he didn’t get the position he wanted, he ganged up last year with Shafie to bring down the GRS government, but the coup failed.

Hajiji Noor has managed to govern his state not just in the interests of his electoral coalition, but in the larger interests of the citizenry as a whole, no mean feat in a Sabah known for the utter venality of its politicians.

The story of the Kohinoor

The story of the Kohinoor, the world’s most famous diamond.

It was mined in Golconda near Hyderabad, India.

Kohinoor is now part of the British Monarch. Kohinoor Diamond was ceded to Queen Victoria after the annexation of Punjab by the British in 1849.

Legend has it that it is cursed and brings misfortune to those who possess it.

Who is next?

This video is part of BBC Reel’s “Best of 2023” collection

Koh-i-Noor: The ‘cursed’ diamond set into the Crown Jewels

Credit to bbc.com

Religious doesn’t mean you are a good person

Hitler leaves the Marien church in Willhelmsschafen 1930-31

Hitler was never religious! He had a lot of socially conditioned phobias, and a desperate need to blame others for his general lack of success!

Christian principles of turning the other cheek and loving his neighbour, simply didn’t figure in his mental makeup!

However, Religious values never prevented maniacs from misusing religion. We see that clearly in the present day!

“With or without religion, good people can behave well and bad people can do evil; but for good people to do evil – that takes religion.”
– Steven Weinberg

The looming 17th Sabah general election

Are the upcoming Sabah elections done and dusted already? That’s a loaded question but recent political developments suggest that Hajiji’s GRS is on a relentless roll, even as the Opposition remains in disarray.

The looming 17th Sabah general election are imminent and the exchanges and deliberations surrounding potential aspirants for the chief ministerial position have already commenced. Amidst the turbulence of the political sphere, one distinguished name that emerges as a potential to spearhead the government alliance is Hajiji Noor the incumbent Chief Minister of Sabah.

Hajiji Noor has enjoyed a prolonged stint in the political limelight and his notoriety and adeptness in leadership have been extensively acknowledged. Hajiji’s distinct leadership methodology deviates greatly from that of now opposition former chief minister Shafie Apdal or the Sabah Umno Chief Bung Moktar, and it is precisely this disparity that positions him as a robust contender for Sabah chief minister’s post.

In this piece, we will analyse the reasons why Hajiji might be the best bet for leading the Sabah government.

Hajiji never compromises on his Ideology.

Hajiji has always been a staunch believer in his ideology and principles, even while being in an alliance with the Perikatan National.  He has never hesitated to take a stand on crucial issues such as the rights of Sabah as enshrined in the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 and the 40% revenue entitlement from the Federal Government, even if it meant going against the stance of his alliance partner. Hajiji’s unwavering commitment to his principles has earned him respect from his supporters and critics alike and is a testament to his strong character and conviction.

Moreover, Hajiji’s focus on social justice and welfare measures is also noteworthy. He has been a vocal supporter of the hardcore poor and has implemented several policies to uplift them. He believes in affirmative action and reservations and is committed to closing the poverty gap that has long affected many Bumiputera in Sabah. He is determined to bring about changes in the lives of people who crave advocacy, especially those in remote areas. He is seen focused on economic growth and development. Hajiji’s focus on social justice and welfare measures is in line with the ideology of several political parties, and this could help him in rallying their support.

Not just once but twice, Hajiji has demonstrated that Warisan is not invincible in the realm of Sabah politics post 2018. In the year 2020, he formed a coalition with other parties to defeat the Warisan in the state elections. This was especially when Shafie Apdal’s popularity was at its peak.

Hajiji’s reputation as an honest and incorruptible politician is a breath of fresh air. He has kept Sabah on a pedestal of governance and maintained a balance between Sabah’s unique racial moderation and Umno’s ketuanan and Pas’s Islamisation during Muhyiddin and Ismail Sabri’s era when the Perikatan National (PN) was calling the shots in the center. This could help him in gaining the trust of the electorate, especially those who are increasingly disillusioned with the existing political system.

The Opposition parties need a formidable leader who can furnish a plausible alternative to GRS the ruling party. No opposition leader fits the bill. Hajiji’s adroitness in crafting coalitions and collaborating with sundry parties is an invaluable asset. His proficiency in working with an array of parties in Sabah, coupled with his amicable relations with various leaders of Opposition parties, renders him the quintessential candidate to spearhead the GRS alliance.

Furthermore, his antecedent tenure as a Political Secretary to the former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia Late Gafar Baba in the 90s has bestowed upon him exposure to national politics and a perspicacity into the mechanics of the Federal government.

Undoubtedly, this endeavour shall not be a facile undertaking, for Hajiji is besieged by multifarious perils. Foremost among these threats is the concerted attack by Warisan and Umno. Umno is currently grappling with numerous upheavals. There are 3 groups now within Sabah Umno, one of the group headed by Rahman Dahlan is not in favour of teaming up with Warisan. Rahman Dahlan’s group  has checkmated Bung Moktar who is most eager to team up with Warisan in the next Sabah election to take on the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah state government. And also several pivotal Sabah Umno leaders have defected to Hajiji’s group. It would be an intriguing spectacle to witness how Bung Moktar and the Sabah Umno navigate this political storm.

Again in the year 2022, Hajiji repeated this feat by triumphing over the Warisan-Umno strategy of attempting a Sheraton-style coup to topple the GRS government. Instead, Hajiji forged an alliance with his former opponent the Pakatan Harapan (PH). Umno was kicked out from the ruling side. This is a testament to Hajiji’s political acumen and his ability to navigate the complex landscape of Sabah politics.

Why Hajiji?

Hajiji’s leadership style is vastly different from Shafie’s. Shafie is seen as a assertive leader who is not afraid to take bold decisions but reckless. However, Hajiji’s leadership style is more subdued and methodical. He is seen as a consensus-builder who takes all stakeholders into consideration before taking a decision. This style of leadership is more inclusive and has helped Hajiji in maintaining a stable government in Sabah since 2020

Master strategist or just lucky? In hindsight, Hajiji Noor appears to be a genius

In warfare, one question often asked about army commanders is: “Is he lucky enough to win a war?” In the Sabah election phase, the mystery as to what exactly clicks in politics — luck or other factors — will remain unresolved.

Only two years ago, every step Hajiji took reversed his political fortune. He was challenged by Shafie Apdal and Bung Moktar who staged a rebellion to unseat him as Chief minister.  This was at a time when the Sabah Chief Minister was struggling hard to get acceptability within the Madani government.

In fact, it was when Anwar Ibrahim was declared the Prime Minister that Hajiji made up his mind to sever ties with the Bersatu. By all indications then, Anwar Ibrahim had emerged as a leader who was bulldozing his way to assert himself as the supreme leader. The manner in which the PH and a group of leaders pushed through his primacy in the PH fold smacked of hectoring and bullying of the nay-sayers to fall in line. And they fell in line sooner than later in the face of pressure from the PMX and the PH.

Anwar Ibrahim was then untested at the national level and there was an apprehension that he would not last at the national level as PMX. At that time Anwar loyalists maintained that the PH could easily fill in the vacuum created by a discredited Umno and a helpless prime minister in the form of  Ismail Sabri. Zahid Hamidi’s insistence on not projecting a prime ministerial candidate was ignored by the Barisan National, although there was growing skepticism within the BN fold about the efficacy and appeal of Anwar.

And even Sarawak chief minister Abang Johari silently opposed it on the grounds that Anwar’s projection would affect his prospects in the Sarawak Assembly poll scheduled then.

As for Sabah, 7 terms Sulaman Assemblyman, Hajiji ‘s decision to part ways with the Bersatu and the PN was based on the cold political calculation that Bersatu-PN wouldn’t have an all-Malaysia appeal.

But far from these calculations, Anwar Ibrahim crafted his image as a crusader against corruption and a pro-development politician and a decisive “doer” unafraid of taking tough decisions. Despite all odds, Anwar pulled through because of a divided Opposition and his distinct political persona that attracted fence-sitters to him.

In Sabah, from USNO to Umno to Bersatu to Gagasan Rakyat, Hajiji performed very well in the 2022 Parliamentary elections. And in the 2020 Sabah state elections, he got an overwhelming mandate reducing the Warisan and the PH to the margins. A crest-fallen Shafie lost his chiefministership.

Shafie’s tenure as Sabah’s Chief Minister was mired in a series of scandals that marred Shafie’s legacy of governance and able administration. His move was certainly out of sync with people’s expectations of him. The emerging political narrative then was that he would be good for the state while people chose Hajiji to lead the state. He did not buy that argument and after the 2020 election results went ahead trying to forge a coalition with Dr Jeffrey Kitingan to consolidate his position. His supposedly alliance with Dr Jeffrey Kitingan was as much frowned upon as his decision to install Dr Jeffrey Kitingan as chief minister. It failed as Dr Jeffrey Kitingan refused to work with him as he was already part of the GRS alliance.

On the face of it, these seemed illogical and often counter-productive to Hajiji’s goal of consolidation of support. In hindsight, all these appear to have been smart moves. The election results make it seem as though these were perfectly timed with a stroke of genius. On the other hand, the Warisan’s strategy to win over KDMR yielded little dividend as they found more affinity with the GRS Grand Alliance than the Warisan-led alliance. There was little doubt about the formidability of the social coalition that Hajiji forged.

Now, coming back to main question: Does luck play a role in politics? Would any of these generals (read Hajiji and Shafie) have won the war without luck?

Warisan May Have Created A Monster With Its Troll Army, It May Turn On Them One Day

When Shafie Apdal talks about social media we must listen with great attention. After all this is the man under whose watch the Warisan’s social media strategy has become the envy of all political parties.

Thus it is with some bemusement that we hear Shafie Apdal tell the youth of Sabah to not fall prey to WhatsApp, TikTok and Facebook propaganda. If they took him at his word, much would be different in Sabah today.

All those stories of water crisis and electricity cuts and bad roads due to poor handling of the GRS government would have panned out differently. Some would have been nipped in the bud. Some would not have even taken off. Some would have never been ballooned into a full-fledged conflagration.

A WhatsApp video of CM Hajiji addressing in the Sabah state assembly goes viral. That the video was two years old was discovered later. By then at least…Almost everyone had the clips on their phones.

After a Facebook post that the CEO of Sabah Islamic Religious Council (Muis) is under investigation for allegations of abuse of power in its administration, it triggered images of CM Hajiji being silent about the whole matter to inflame passions during this holy month of Ramadan. It also alleged that the CEO of Muis had ordered the transfer of Zakat Fund money of RM14 million without approval.


Warisan IT cell member said their priority was to enter at least 1000 WhatsApp groups before the elections.

WhatsApp news can help deliver votes as well. An IT specialist said that he analysed the role of smartphones in the recent 6 state elections in West Malaysia, he quotes a hardcore Anwar Ibrahim supporter who switched to the PAS after getting WhatsApp messages about Malays losing political power in Malaysia.  The IT cell member said their priority was to enter at least 1,000 WhatsApp groups before the elections. As it happened, by the time Kelantan , Trengganu and Kedah went to the polls they had access to over 2000 groups with an average of 150 members per group.

It would be sobering to think that Shafie has understood that social media is a double-edged sword and can damage as much as it can deliver. After all, the abuse of social media can prove to be a great problem for governance. WhatsApp rumours of a cooking oil shortage caused panic in November last year. During Covid the government had to scramble to debunk many conspiracy theories about vaccines  that popped up all over the internet.

Alas, Shafie is merely concerned about “anti-Warisan propaganda” on social media.

He told the youth at the Semporna townhall, “I appeal to the youth not to blindly believe the anti-Warisan propaganda being spread on WhatsApp and Facebook… I want you to apply your mind before believing what is being circulated in WhatsApp. “

If only his party’s foot soldiers were as diligent about all social media propaganda. The great bane of social media is we seem to forward first, think later.  And many of the Warisan’s trigger-happy internet warriors are prone to that. Thus they create a row by lambasting Hajiji for quotes he never made. But it made the internet warriors happy to have yet another reason to beat up on Hajiji.


The Warisan’s social media strategy has been the great beneficiary of many of these Warisan supporters. It has benefited mightily from doctored photographs like the one of Hajiji having dinner with a controversial Sarawakian businessman which turned out to have been doctored. Or the Warisan might brag “major diplomatic success of Shafie” on Facebook saying its efforts led to the Singapore High Commissioner visiting him in his house.

All parties want a piece of the social media pie. Other parties are no saints. It’s just that Warisan has stolen quite a march in the social media wars. The Warisan and its like-minded fraternity of organizations are the indisputable leaders.

With end-to-end encryption, WhatsApp is the ideal choice for spreading conspiracy theories, fake news alongside jokes and Good Morning messages with blooming flowers. It exists inside its own pre-fabricated echo chamber largely away from prying eyes. But the social media battle happens on all fronts. Told to me by a former editor-in-chief of a news portal,  he remembers a social media strategist asking at a meeting with Warisan politicians “What have you gotten to trend on WhatsApp today?”

While we are happy to jump on mainstream media for paid news, many of us are quite unaware that we consume and forward “paid” hashtags on Twitter and Facebook and TikTok everyday.

While he was proud of the success of Warisan social media presence, a Warisan IT cell member also warned, “A dangerous online army of  hundreds is following us, which is not even in our control.”

But Shafie has no interest in reining in these demons for they are working quite well for his party for now. He is only concerned about stamping out anti-Warisan propaganda. Luckily for him, few parties can take on that social media army as yet. But it is playing with fire if we truly have a fake news vs fake news war.


What happens if a Frankenstein’s monster grown humungous on its steady diet of fake news one day turns on its master?

Something worth pondering again…

A clip of Shah Rukh Khan’s latest film “Jawan” 

Bollywood superstar Shah Rukh Khan’s latest movie “Jawan”.

Jawan” revolves around a father-son story with Shah Rukh Khan being the man with many faces. The superstar can be seen as a soldier, a romantic hero and a Robin Hood-esque figure, who tries to bust a massive nexus of politicians and businessmen who are in cahoots.

The movie, which has broken several box-office records, touches upon many serious issues like corruption, government apathy, farmers suicide, children dying in a hospital due to lack of oxygen, faulty army weapons and dangerous factories near residential areas. In one of the key scenes, Shah Rukh Khan urges the common people to vote sensibly.

Sabah upcoming assembly election: Will Sabah PH emerge a kingmaker or just play spoilsport?

In the upcoming Sabah polls probably in a year’s time, it looks as though the GRS and BN-Umno and Warisan will be engaged in a direct battle, with incumbent GRS leader Chief Minister Hajiji seeking a second term. While the Sabah PH not poised to secure power independently, could play a crucial role if the GRS – BN- Warisan contest ends in a tie. However, some believe the Sabah PH might disrupt the electoral landscape for the three primary parties in numerous constituencies. In the 2020 state polls, the Sabah PH secured only nine seats (DAP-6, PKR-2,UPKO-1) out of 73, but in the 2022 Dewan Rakyat elections, it won only five seats (DAP-2, PKR-1, UPKO-2) and a 14.7% vote share.

The Sabah PH’s vote share in the 2020 state polls was 15%, but in the 2022 Dewan Rakyat polls, it cornered a smaller 14.7% vote share.

In a year or so, Sabah will go to polls where GRS and the BN and Warisan are locked in a direct contest as incumbent GRS head and Chief Minister Hajiji hopes to form his government the second time. The Sabah PH is resurgent in Sabah but too far from hoping to come to power on its own. Yet, it can emerge a kingmaker in case of the GRS-BN-Warisan contest ending in a draw. But many think the Sabah PH would just play spoilsport for the three main parties in dozens of seats.

Except for UPKO and Dap which has strong roots in Sabah, the PH’s Sabah leadership is perceived as relatively weak. The party’s resurgence in Sabah from a bit player is largely due to the focus of the party’s big guns including Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on the state where the party big-wigs from Dap, Amanah and PKR have been regularly visiting in the past few years.

But the Sabah PH changing its state leader to Christina Liew just before the elections is being seen as negative by many. Christina Liew lacks grassroots support and even division leaders within Sabah PKR at one time have called for Christina Liew to be removed as Sabah PKR chairman.

The Warisan has claimed that the PH has gone slow on probe against the GRS leaders, since both the parties have struck a deal after the failed political coup by Shafie Apdal and Bung Moktar. The central agencies not seen arresting and charging any politicians in Sabah the last one year has strengthened this impression. Many see the Sabah PH only trying to divide the opposition and anti-incumbency votes in favour of the BN-UMNO and for the benefit of Zahid Hamidi the Umno President.


Why is the Sabah PH hopeful?

The PHs impressive show in the recent state elections after it won Penang, Selangor and Negri Sembilan and nearly 40% vote share was seen as the party gaining a foothold in other states. After the party’s good show, many began to see it as a credible opponent to the PN, especially due to state Bersatu chief Ronald Kiandee’s strident opposition to the ruling party the GRS.

PMX’s sway over the voters, especially the youth, is another factor that gives hope to the Sabah PH. PMX will be the poster boy for Sabah PH. And the talk is also, the party is in alliance with former Foreign Minister Anifah Aman’ and his brother the former CM Musa Aman who still has some appeal in the state.

What is the Sabah PH’s gameplan?

In the 2020 elections, the Warisan-PH plus had lost the state. Warisan had cut ties with Sabah PH and had gone solo for the Dewan Rakyat elections two years later. Now, the Sabah PH is focusing its energy on nearly 25 seats where it thinks it has significant pull among voters. It hopes to win from nearly 20 seats where it will not be in direct contest with the GRS or the BN-Umno or Warisan due to the seat-sharing formula, while on the remaining seats it will divide the votes against the dominant candidates.

In the 73-seat assembly, the Sabah PH’s hope is to corner more than 15 seats and become a king maker in case none of the main opponents, the GRS and BN-Umno and the Warisan gaining a large edge over the other. All depends on the Sabah PH’s ability to translate its vote share, into seats.