Archive for the ‘Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein’ Category

Najib and his cousin brother Hishammuddin had essentially placed the country at risk of “terrorism target” because the operation was held during the peak of Syrian War. 

Finance Twitter

We raised our suspicions two years ago in 2016 when Saudi Arabia bragged about their massive military exercise – Northern Thunder – which involved 350,000 troops from 20 countries, including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE, Oman, Jordan, Pakistan, Djibouti, Mauritania, Senegal, Sudan, Chad, Tunisia, Morocco, Comoros, Mauritius, Egypt, Maldives and Malaysia.

Saudi news media boasted that the force included 2,540 aircraft, 460 helicopters and 20,000 armoured vehicles, arguably the largest military operation in the region since the liberation of Kuwait in 1990’s Operation Desert Storm. But it raised the red flag, simply because Malaysia was the only country in the Southeast Asia involved in the military exercise (from February 16 until March 4, 2016).

It was particularly strange because not even Indonesia or Brunei was invited. So, why was Malaysia so special that their armed forces were involved in the military exercise some 6,000 kilometres away? Did then-PM Najib Razak send the country’s military to the Gulf as part of his commitment to boost Saudi propaganda machine, in exchange for the US$681 million (RM2.6 billion) discovered in his bank accounts?

Read more here

The Third Rail of Malaysian Politics: True Leadership.

For many years now, MANY in Malaysia have had an uneasy feeling that democracy, as generally understood, sits uneasily among the people of this country. Malaysia has large and sometimes articulate political parties and it has had leaders totally committed to the concept of democracy, which is also true. There was Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Tun Dr Ismail, Tun Hussein Onn, John Aloysius Thivy, Tun Tan Cheng Lock, Stephen Kalong Ningkan, Tun Fuad Donald Stephens, Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu, Peter Mojuntin, Tun Mustapha, O K K Sedomon, Ahmad Boestaman,  and others who believed in the concept of democracy as the only one that would keep Malaysia together and take it forward.

Like true democrats they believed that dissent was an essential part of democracy, and that the country would only be enriched by debate and discussion, even by agitation if that became necessary. Their belief was complemented by their direct contact with the people; the trust that people had in them made it possible for them to persuade them to accept, enthusiastically, the beliefs and ideas they gave them.

But when such leaders and people are not there any more, what happens to the parties and institutions they have built and nurtured? One facile answer is that political argument gets stronger and power shifts from one group to another when elections are held. In other words, the people decide who will have the responsibility to manage the state, removing those whom they consider incapable and bringing in those they think can do the job. This is very convenient and comforting. It is also totally fictitious.

It is true that political argument does get stronger, more so because of the increasingly watchful media both print and electronic, of which most political groups have become wary, even fearful, and not without reason. The fiction lies in the belief that the “people” remove those who do not perform and bring in those who they think can perform.

First, the concept of “people” is simplistic; the vast numbers of individuals in the state are an infinitely complex entity consisting of a vast number of groups and sub-groups. This enormous mass of individuals does not come together and decide anything; that is not what happens, not at all. What happens is that a strategy aimed at finding acceptance with groups of individuals, in some cases possibly fortuitously, works or works better than the strategy of another group.

In the 2008 general elections, the strategy of what was called the Third Front did not work; most individuals did not trust it. In a muddle of strategies, five states fell to the opposition Pakatan Rakyat but not because it had planned to do so. It had, of course, tried to win the Federal Government, but its plans were wide off the mark. When it won 5 states and 82 parliamentary seats it must have been as surprised as anyone else.

On the other hand, Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman had a strategy that he had worked on for years since 2003 – to give people the kind of development and security they had been yearning for – and his many victories till 2013 May 5th was no surprise, except perhaps to his opponents, and their surprise was more at the magnitude of his success than at the victory itself. It made their strategies and plans look comic in comparison. Musa Aman is an exception, and a phenomenon confined to Sabah.

At the national level, and in most other States, the structure of democracy is being subjected to forces that may well change it completely over time. To understand that one has, perhaps, to take a step back and look at what the process is about today.  It is not about representing the “people’s” will. It is about control and power.

Our so-called democracy is defined not by the existence of dissent and opposition activity but by the nature of the power wielded. It is monarchical and meant to secure the interests, political and economic, of the ruling group, whichever it is. And this is done by ensuring that power remains with an elite group – preferably the family, but also those who are close to it and share the same backgrounds.

One can see it today in what many refer to as the First Family in the Umno Baru; Dr Mahathir Mohamad is clearly grooming his son, Mukhriz, to be the next Prime Minister. But they are not by any means the only family. Look at the number of sons and daughters and son-in-law now who are inducted into the corridors of power:  Najib Tun Razak, Hishammuddin Tun Hussein Onn, Khairy Jamaluddin, even Mukhriz Mahathir in Kedah who is what he is because he is Dr Mahathir’s son, and a whole host of others whom media naively call the Young Turks. The original Young Turks were not just young; they had come to prominence because of their abilities, not because of who their father or mother or father-in-law was. A number of sons and daughters whom the media naively call Young Turks have been inducted into the corridors of power.

Inevitably, the elements of power are being chivied towards specific families, which will then determine who will stand for elections for their parties, and thus consolidate their own position, securing it for their generation and the generations to follow. Increasingly, their contact with the people has become more and more distant; the people get to be called the “rakyat” who have to be maneuvered by race, religion, money and promises. But this is not a phenomenon confined to the Umno party; it is as much in evidence in the opposition Pakatan Rakyat parties such as the DAP, PKR and PAS. Look at Lim Guan Eng, Nurul Izzah, Karpal’s sons, Ustaz Din Tok Guru the son-in-law of PAS President Ustaz Abdul Hadi Awang, so many more.

And where the factor of unease comes in is in what appears to be an inevitable slide towards oligarchy, where an elite takes over power – political and economic. It is economic, too, of course. All the big corporate giants are busy grooming their sons and daughters to take their place among the power elite; Syed Mokhtar al-Bukhary is only one instance of this. Even the much-revered Al Bukhary group is reportedly looking for a Syed to head it once Syed Mokhtar al-Bukhary leaves; Vincent Tan has already inducted his son into his Berjaya empire, so has Kuok Brothers, so has Ananda Krishnan.

One can only hope that this is not what we have in store for us, that we do produce some leaders from outside the elite families who, like Musa Aman in Sabah, will lead with clear concepts of development.

Malaysian democracy has been overtaken by dynasty, and only relatives of senior politicians enter politics. True, doctors and engineers too encourage their children to take to their profession. But there is a difference. Children of doctors and engineers have to pass exams. They do not inherit their degrees from their parents.

Politicians’ wards have no such barrier to overcome. They land up from some American or British university and immediately become “somebody” of a political party built by hundreds of party workers. The second in command, who has expectations of becoming the next leader, is unceremoniously dumped. Needless to say, the sons and daughters win the election. Dynastic succession has become the biggest threat to Malaysian democracy.

Familiarity of the clan is a starting point in making many choices. One of the parameters we use in making choices is based on birth. While the poor and illiterate are easily swayed away, others are blinded by race and religion and other narrow considerations. Dynastic politics is a malady we have to learn to live with.

We find sons and daughters and even son-in-law following the path of their fathers or father-in-law, illustrious or otherwise, in all walks of life. Their success largely depends on their calibre and performance.

Najib Tun Razak is the son of the second prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak; Hishamuddin Hussein Onn is the son of third prime minister, Hussein Onn; Mukhriz Mahathir is the son of fourth prime minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad; Khairy Jamaluddin the UMNO Youth Chief is the son-in-law of fifth prime minister, Tun Abdullah Badawi; Penang chief minister and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng is the son of DAP advisor Lim Kit Siang while Karpal Singh’s both sons, Gobind and Jagdeep Singh, are elected representatives; Nurrul Izzah is daughter of Anwar Ibrahim; PAS Youth deputy chairman Nik Abduh is the son of PAS spiritual advisor Tok Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat and the list goes on.

The practice of dynasty politics exists in both the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat.

Now Mahathir is trying hard to get his son Mukriz Mahathir to take over as deputy prime minister of Malaysia and then to become prime minister. To reach that goal, Mahathir wants his son Mukriz to first takeover as Menteri Besar of Kedah, Mahathir is selling this idea to Kedahans and that they have to first topple the Pakatan Rakayat government come GE13. So, let us give Mukhriz Mahathir a chance and pronounce a judgment after UMNO wins Kedah, if it ever wins.

SABAH, once almost synonymous with despondency, has been rising from the ashes of gloom and murkiness. The nearly infamous GDP growth rate of 8 per cent that was termed a miracle more than once is not just where the story begins or ends. The dreadful past that saw this North Borneo state decelerating, deteriorating and degrading is hard to picture vis-à-vis the present Sabah.

Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman is increasingly seen as a reformer and renovator with sturdy administrative abilities. Today, the streets of Sabah resemble grace, as opposed to the crumbling hanging bridges and dilapidated highways and streets with no street lights a decade ago. An overwhelming thousands of kilometers of roads, more than hundreds of bridges, and a number of power plants including 12 IPP’s were constructed during Musa Aman’s tenure, including the Kimanis 1.5-Billion-Ringgit gas-fired plant the biggest IPP plant in Sabah – designed for 300MW – to address the power supply issue in the state is in its final stage of construction.

The enhanced transport facilities, especially the highways, have ensured normalcy with the journey time slashed to half. Real estate enjoyed a boom with several building projects taken up. Kota Kinabalu has now adapted itself to modernisation with newer shops and malls opening up and has evolved to become one of the most beautiful city in this parts of the world.

A sharp rise in cement inflow to the state shows the escalation and expansion of construction projects. Agricultural yields have been cited as a major growth factor and oil palm, which is the prime sector in Sabah, has been advantaged a great deal. New Palm oil mills has roped in private investments, and the 4.7-billion-ringgit Ammonia and Urea Plant in Sipitang will provide direct jobs to thousands, something that came as a boon to a state with one of the least employment opportunities. Today, more than 80,000 jobs has been created.

Under Musa Aman, the industrial scenario changed with several big projects being cleared for implementation. The saga has been threaded together with many such incredible deeds that include a massive 35 per cent growth in auto sales, which has a lot to do with the fact that the highways and boulevards are no longer abandoned after 10 pm, and that, in turn, is a direct consequence of terrific administration and governance. The improved law and order situation has been a major reason for this growth tale, and Musa Aman, the man behind it all, vouches for this.

Today no politician can openly challenge the state police; even Akjan the self-proclaimed 33rd Sultan of Sulu, an UMNO man who is strongly connected to both Home Minister Hishammuddin Tun Hussein and Minister of Rural and Regional Development Shafie Apdal, was detained and remanded for seven days to facilitate police investigations on him being proclaimed Sulu Sultan in a private ceremony in Kg Likas. No gangsters, Ah Long, don or bandit can roam free after committing a crime and no mafia is given protection by the government. With heavy police patrolling, there is little scope for a criminal or illegals to dodge the claws of legal procedure and penalty. The Federal government has also done its part as it has been quick in filling the enormous number of vacancies in the police force, and what ensued was no surprise. With speedy trials, backlogs were cleared, and within a span of three years, thousands of illegals and criminals were convicted and deported. Bigwigs and VIPs, too, were not spared the customary legal bindings leading to a complete reversal of Sabah’s façade.

Crime rates has also plunged, and the number of kidnappings followed by demand of ransom, which was once thought to be the only vocation in the Eastcoast of Sabah, has plummeted drastically. The improved law and order situation did wonders as investors, convinced about the assurance of safety, have started to invest in Sabah. However, it is not the private sector that is credited with the honour of resurrecting the lost state; it is the state spending that did the job and this year the budget is the highest ever in the history of Sabah 4-Billion-Ringgit and the state having an accumulated reserve of 3-Billion-Ringgit.

During previous tenures, major portions of the allocated funds remained unused as a result of the lackadaisical attitude of the authorities concerned. Tourism plays a part in the economy undoubtedly. The number of tourists has gone up by 13.6% from about 2.5 million in 2010 to almost 2.8 million last year generating RM4.977 billion.

On the other hand, private educational institutions have come up and many unemployed graduates have been given temporary teachers job in schools, colleges and skill training institutions, as part of a major recruitment drive by the government. With changes to notions that were existent in the minds of people regarding Sabah, investors, and not criminals, are finding the state to be the land of prospects. Internet connectivity has improved a lot and internet cafes can be found even in remote areas, mobile service providers have cropped up, so has the pre-paid talk-time and broadband usage reportedly raised heavily. Banking firms are a healthier reality in Sabah today with some banks operating in even in remote areas of Sabah.

The health factor remains dim, despite efforts by the government; so is the poverty rate which remains high because of the presence of high number of illegals from across the border mainly from Southern Philippines, a chief contributor.

There is a need for more private venturing in order for Sabah to curb poverty. One of the jewels in the crown that the reformist Chief Minister wears is the piece of information that the Sabah Development Corridor, launched in 2008, has investment commitments exceeding RM63 billion, of which more than RM16 billion have been realised. Whatever it is, be it the enhanced law and order, improved roads, surging construction activities or the increasing investor faith, architect of revived Sabah Musa Aman needs to be spoken well of. After all, it is not for nothing that Prime Minister Najib showered praises on him.

The economic wonder has not sprung up from nowhere. Massive reorganization was undertaken and implemented. The one thing that Musa Aman propagated with the aim of Sabah’s betterment is ‘discipline’. Now the taxi driver says they are taking home more money since they are commuting passengers even after 10 pm.

It is a clear indication that Musa Aman has satisfied the people, something politicians are here for. There is a lot left to be done for Sabah’s development, along with the one big hurdle Sabah has to tackle — the growing “ILLEGALS with Malaysian Identity Cards” menace which is the Mother of All Problems in Sabah. Musa Aman’s ‘discipline’ would expectantly act as the panacea once again.

Ahli parlimen Sungai Siput, Dr Micheal Devaraj Jeyakumar yang ditahan di bawah Ordinan Darurat (EO), hari ini melancarkan mogok lapar ketika dalam tahanan.

Perkara itu dimaklumkan oleh isteri beliau, Mohanarani Rasiah ketika menemui suaminya itu kira-kira jam 11 pagi, semalam.

Menurut Moharani, suaminya itu sangat hampa dan kecewa dengan pendirian polis dan kerajaan terhadap enam aktivis Parti Sosialis Malaysia yang ditahan di bawah EO sejak 2 Julai lalu.

“Beliau akan teruskan mogok lapar sehingga kesemua PSM 6 dibebaskan atau dituduh di mahkamah.

“Saya cuba menasihatkan beliau untuk tidak berbuat demikian kerana risau akan kesihatan beliau tetapi beliau bertekad mahu meneruskan mogok lapar,” kata Mohanarani dalam satu kenyataan hari ini


Julai 2011

Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj melancarkan Mogok Lapar dalam tahanan

Apabila saya jumpa suami saya Dr
Jeyakumar pada 11 pagi semalam, 27hb. Julai 2011, beliau suarakan perasaannya
yang sangat hampa dan kecewa dengan pendirian polis dan kerajaan terhadap enam
aktivis PSM yang ditahan di bawah EO sejak 2 Julai 2011.

Menurutnya, polis enggan berganjak
dari posisi asal mereka walaupun PSM 6 telah bekerjasama penuh dan menjawab
kesemua soalan yang ditanya semasa soalsiasat dijalankan. Walaupun polis tidak
dapat sebarang bukti untuk menjustifikasikan pertahanan lanjutan, namun beliau
pasti tempoh tahanan mereka akan dilanjutkan sebab polis dan kerajaan ada
agenda sendiri dan mempunyai tujuan untuk memangsakan PSM6 .

Maka Dr
Jeyakumar telah memberitahu saya bahawa beliau akan mulakan mogok lapar pada 28/7/11 untuk
mendapatkan keadilan. Beliau akan teruskan mogok lapar sehingga kesemua PSM6
dibebaskan atau dituduh dimahkamah. Saya cuba menasihatkan beliau untuk tidak
berbuat demikian kerana risau akan kesihatan beliau tetapi beliau bertekad mahu
meneruskan mogok lapar kerana berpendapat

1. Walaupun tuduhan keatas mereka
adalah hanya pengerak BERSIH dan ini dinafikan oleh 6 orang tetapi polis
sengaja mahu kaitkan mereka dengan tuduhan ini
2. Walaupun sudah berkali-kali
dikatakan PSM tidak ada kaitan dengan PKM dan PSM tiada niat untuk kembangkan
fahaman komunis dan selama ini semua aktiviti PSM adalah terbuka dan
transparen, tetapi polis cuba memaksa, mereka (frame up) tuduhan-tuduhan palsu
keatas PSM 6
3. Tuduhan menghidupkan komunisme ini
hanya berdasarkan beberapa t-shirt dan kebelakangan ini polis sedang bergiat “frame-up”
tuduhan baru dan menurutnya ini berdasarkan lawatan-lawatan pemimpim PSM ke
luar negara atas jemputan parti sosialis lain di dunia dan cuba bertokoh tambah
bahawa PSM ada hubungan rahsia dengan PKM di Thailand.
Dr. Jeyakumar
menafikan semua tuduhan palsu ini, semua soalan polis menjurus untuk
mengeluarkan satu cerita karut untuk melanjutkan tempoh tahanan

Dr Jeyakumar memberitahu polis dan
kerajaan supaya bersikap jujur dan review kerja-kerja dan aktiviti PSM dalam 13
tahun sejak ia ditubuhkan. Di mana semua aktiviti PSM adalah terbuka dan dan
jika PSM mengkritik kerajaan BN, itu adalah hak demokratiknya.

Menurut Dr Jeyakumar, beliau telah
memberi kerjasama penuh sejak direman di mana beliau telah menandatangani 3
laporan termasuk laporan 45 muka surat di Pulau Pinang. Sekarang SB telah
sediakan report dengan 80 mukasurat tetapi Dr Jeyakumar buat keputusan beliau
tidak akan tandatanganinya kerana beliau melihat kesemua siasatan sebagai
sia-sia sahaja. Polis masih ‘menembak secara liar’ (shooting wildly).

Oleh itu, Dr Jeyakumar telah hilang
kepercayaan kepada polis untuk melaksanakan isu ini secara adil. Beliau
menuntut supaya Menteri Dalam Negeri mainkan peranan untuk membebaskan atau
hadap mereka ke mahkamah. Sehingga hari itu beliau akan buat mogok lapar.

The Malaysian Government including our great Minster of Home Affairs, Hishammuddin son of Hussein Onn, said that the Sunday’s 27th February protest march the “Solidarity Against Umno’s Racism” organised by HINDRAF (Hindu Rights Action Force) and Human Rights Party was a failure and loss of popularity among the Indian community. Maybe they should take a good look at this video below.

Anyway, it is time the UMNO Government wake up and treat the Indian community with respect. 53 years of suppression is too much! It is no exaggeration to say that the plight of the Indian community has long been ignored in this country.

It’s not wrong to say, the UMNO government has miserably failed to unite this nation. The prerequisite for this precious unity is fairness, equality and social-justice and this is not available here. Very sad!

Premier Najib brags about his 1Malaysia concept. But truly in Malaysia there is 2Malaysia. One for the UMNO Malays and one for the rest of the communities.

Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein’s rewrites history when he said at the Umno general assembly that the process of  our independence and later developments were forged by “Umno and our Malay Rulers and no one else”.

Well done Hishammudin! You always have the habit of speaking the truth and nothing but the truth.

Remember Hisham, I don’t know if you were born before 1957, it was Tunku Abdul Rahman who led a three-man Alliance delegation comprising Tunku, Najib’s father and Tan Sri T.H. Tan from the MCA to England to hold talks with the colonial authority.

Later on or before 1957, Tunku Abdul Rahman also led an Alliance delegation comprising MCA and MIC to London to hold independence talks with the British.




Umno’s new deputy-president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin won the race to become the next DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER OF MALAYSIA.

In the race for vice-president, ZAHID HAMIDI got the highest votes and behind him, 2nd in the race is HISHAMMUDIN TUN HUSSIN ONN and third is SHAFIE APDAL. All three made it as vice-president of Umno.


I am with friends watching the circus at the PWTC and heard Umno Youth chief Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein in action. This happens to be Hishammuddin’s final speech as Youth chief and I did not see him raising the keris this time around.

He spoke about the social contract and Bumiputera privileges and attacked those who question the social contract as provocateurs of racial tension.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was again made the bogeyman and was accused as traitor for selling out Malay rights to the non-malays. Anwar was also accused for being manipulative and doing things “differently in front, and differently behind,”  which meant that Anwar was an ass screw-er and this drew cheers and laughter from delegates and observers.

Hisham also accused Anwar as power crazy, willing to do anything and even willing to cooperate with the enemy to deny the rights of Malays by insulting them at various forums across the world and even ready to insult the institution of Malay rulers.

Funny, Hishamuddin also said that the Feb 5 takeover of Perak was divine justice by the power of God.